Satisfactia de viata in socialism vs. satisfactia de viata in capitalism

Pe Richard Easterlin l-am mai prezentat, astfel incat trec direct la materialul sau care ne intereseaza in prezenta postare, adica “Lost in Transition: Life Satisfaction on the Road to Capitalism,” Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization, (2009 forthcoming). In anuntatul studiu, Easterlin compara nivelul de satisfactie recent al populatiilor din tarile ex-sovietice cu cel din perioada anterioara anului 1990. Concluzia generala este ca anii `90 au reprezentat o perioada dezastruoasa pentru situatia economica si sociala, care s-a reflectat in scaderea drastica a satisfactiei de viata. Incepand cu anii 2000, situatia materiala a populatiilor din spatiul ex-sovietic s-a mai imbunatatit, insa cea sociala a ramas la fel de precara ca in perioada tranzitiei, ceea ce a facut ca in ciuda unor cresteri ale PIB-urilor cu pana la 25%, starea de multumire a oamenilor de abia a reusit s-o egaleze, dupa 15 ani de capitalism, pe cea din 1989-1990, ani considerati, de altfel, deosebit de grei pentru statele ex-socialiste.
Inainte de a cita din studiul lui Easterlin, sa urmarim un rezumat al sau aparut la adresa "Are socialists happier than capitalists?".

Irelevanta politicii fata de satisfactia personala a populatiei
"Easterlin examines life satisfaction in thirteen countries in the so-called communist-bloc using self-reported data from a range of sources, particularly the World Values Survey. Communist-bloc countries first appeared in the large-scale Survey in 1989, when a representative population in each country was asked to rate "life these days, as a whole" on a scale of 1 (dissatisfied) to 10 (satisfied). (...)
"The dissolution of the police states and increase in political and civil rights in many of the transition countries might have been expected to increase life satisfaction," Easterlin says. "The sharp decline that initially occurred suggests that adverse economic and social conditions trumped the political in their impact on subjective well-being."
The study finds that the trend in overall satisfaction with democracy is actually slightly negatively correlated to the trend in reported happiness after the fall of the Iron Curtain. This correlation is not statistically significant, according to Easterlin, but undermines the assertion by some scholars that democratization in these countries significantly increased happiness.
"There is evidence that, when asked about their sources of well-being, people rarely mention political circumstances," Easterlin explains. "Rather, they put foremost those concerns that principally occupy their time, most notably making a living, family life and health."

Mult-invocata lipsa de democratie participativa ce, se spune, ar fi caracterizat mediul politic din fostul URSS se pare deci ca nu a avut un efect relevant asupra vietii cetatenilor, la fel cum nici pretinsa democratie ulterioara nu a influentat in bine situatia.

Trecand la lucrurile care chiar au importanta pentru omul de rand:
"Satisfaction with work, childcare and health all decreased significantly during the transition from socialism to capitalism, reflecting a marked rise in symptoms of social stress such as divorce rates, suicide rates, domestic violence and increased alcoholism and drug use, Easterlin finds.
However, people were much more satisfied with one particular aspect of their lives after the fall of the Soviet Union: their material circumstances, including standard of living, goods availability and the environment.
"The positive contribution of life satisfaction to improved material living was outweighed by losses in employment security, health and child care, and provision for old age," Easterlin says.
(...)
"The human cost of the transition was enormous, with the lives of millions turned upside down," Easterlin says. "The impact of these changes on people's personal lives and their well-being is almost totally missed by GDP per capita."
While life satisfaction had rebounded somewhat by 1999, there is evidence to suggest that even by 2005 it had not yet reach pre-transition levels, according to the study. By this time, GDP in the countries studied had increased 25 percent on average since the collapse of the Soviet Union.
"The life satisfaction measure, which reflects not only material well-being, but the everyday concerns and worries of women and men about work, health and family, is more indicative of the far-reaching changes that were taking place," Easterlin says.
He continues: "Life satisfaction is not an exhaustive measure of well-being. But if, in formulating transition policy, some consideration had been given to this measure, perhaps there would have been fewer 'lost in transition.'"

Asadar, perioada ce a urmat disparitiei URSS-ului a fost marcata de o tranzitie crunta, apoi de o crestere a PIB-ului unora dintre tari insa care s-a dovedit neputincioasa in a spori statisfactia de viata fata de cea din ultimii ani ai blocului socialist. De fapt, puncteaza Easterlin, exista dovezi care indica faptul ca nici macar nu a egalat-o.

Citand si din studiul propriu-zis, aflam:
"The broad economic facts of the transition have been spelled out numerous times, especially for the period of the 1990s (...). Most notable was an abrupt and massive economic collapse, with measured GDP falling to levels of around 50 to 85 per cent of the 1989 level, usually in a few years or less. Subsequently GDP recovered somewhat, though rarely by 1999 to the initial level. A visiting economist from Mars, confronted only with these GDP data, might well conclude that an economic disaster on the scale of the Great Depression had befallen some 400 million of the world’s population. On the plus side, consumer goods shortages -- a chronic condition under
socialism -- largely disappeared. With regard to factor inputs, capital shrank and there was a significant increase in flows out of the labor force. Unemployment rates rose from near zero to double digit levels in many countries. “[P]overty and inequality … both increased sharply in the beginning of the transition and have so far [1999] not shown signs of declining” (Campos and Corticelli, 2002, 816; cf. also World Bank 2000b). The social safety nets that prevailed under socialism were severely ruptured."

Statul asistential, tipic socialismului, a fost asadar distrus, ceea ce a dat nastere unor calamitati sociale precum cresterea saraciei, somajului si inegalitatilor. Acolo unde a existat totusi crestere economica, ea rareori s-a ridicat la nivelul existent in ultimii ani ai sistemului sovietic.

Beneficiile sociale aduse de socialism, mai importante decat insuficienta lui materiala:
"[H]ow it is possible that in the transition countries life satisfaction under socialism might at one time have been higher than it is currently under capitalism? A speculative answer to this question is suggested by the data on domain satisfaction presented earlier for the former GDR and Hungary (Table 3). Although the socialist system was notably deficient in its ability to supply material goods, it provided substantial security for individuals in other domains important for personal happiness such as job security, provision of child care, health insurance, and support in old age for oneself and one’s parents. One might suppose that the authoritarian communist state and limited civil and political rights, coupled with often-empty store shelves, might have kept life satisfaction lower than currently. But the limited evidence above suggests that greater security with regard to other personal concerns may have outweighed the
negatives."

Se reitereaza ideea ca securitatea locului de munca, grija statului fata de copii, asigurarile de sanatate, grija fata de pensionari, caracteristice URSS-ului, au produs o stare generala de bine ce a depasit efectele negative ale unor lipse materiale, de produse, cat si lipsa democratiei.

In concluzie:
"By 2005, life satisfaction had recovered to its early 1990s level of better, but this return required an increase in GDP per capita averaging about 25 per cent above the early 1990s value. Moreover, the available evidence, though quite limited, suggests that even in 2005 life satisfaction may have been below the levels prevailing before the 1990s. The explanation of the 2005 shortfall relative to pre-1990s levels may be that the positive contribution to life satisfaction of improved material living levels was outweighed by losses in employment security, health and child care, and provision for old age."

Referitor la Rusia, cea mai reprezentativa tara din fostul lagar socialist,
"The human cost of the economic transition was enormous, with the lives of millions of people turned upside down. In a statement specifically about Russia, but representative of the transition countries generally, Brainerd and Cutler (2005, p. 125) point out that “[b]efore 1989, Russians lived in a country that provided economic security: unemployment was virtually
unknown, persons were guaranteed and provided a standard of living perceived to be adequate, and microeconomic stability did not much affect the average citizen.” All or most of this went by the board with the transition to free markets. So too did provision of health and child care. Family life was torn apart as divorce rates soared. Alcoholism, smoking and drug use grew markedly. Suicide rates increased, and domestic violence against women rose. Families were uprooted, some moving back to villages where subsistence agriculture might provide some economic support.
The impact of these changes on people’s personal lives and their well-being is almost totally missed by GDP per capita. Even a measure of income inequality -- an increasingly popular supplement to GDP -- barely hints at what happened. In contrast, the life satisfaction measure, which reflects not only material well-being, but the everyday concerns and worries of women and men about work, health, and family, is more indicative of the far-reaching changes that were taking place."

Dupa cum am vazut, studiul lui Easterlin ia in calcul perioada 1990-2005. Putem deduce insa ca desi in unele state ex-sovietice a avut loc o crestere a PIB-ului, perspectivele de viitor sunt sumbre pentru aceste state, actualmente capitaliste. Intr-adevar, criza ce a inceput de prin 2008, laolalta cu cresterea economica iluzorie, bazata pe credit si importuri masive, in mod cert au coborat din nou multumirea de viata a populatiilor respective. Pe scurt, nu exageram daca spunem ca dupa 19 ani de capitalism, locuitorii fostelor tari comuniste (atatia cat au mai ramas) sunt mai putin satisfacuti de viata lor.

De aici nu trebuie sa deducem ca situatia ante-decembrista ar fi fost una ideala, perfecta. Cu siguranta oamenii muncii ar fi trebuit sa aiba un cuvant mai greu de spus in luarea deciziilor importante pentru societate, iar penuria de bunuri nu este un deziderat nici macar pentru anti-materialisti. Insa e relevant ca si cu aceste tare, socialismul de tip sovietic a avut performante sociale mult superioare celor avute de capitalismul actual. Daca un socialism imperfect este preferabil capitalismului, atunci unul ce va stii sa invete din greselile trecutului va fi cu atat mai preferabil!